Sure way to surplus: tax the people as Howard did
by: Craig Emerson
From: The Australian
May 18, 2013
YOU could see this one coming: the opposition claiming the budget's economic projections are unreliable and it will therefore wait until the release of the pre-election economic and fiscal outlook 10 days into the election campaign before setting out its costed policies and savings decisions.
Better still, why tell the Australian people of your true intentions before an election when you can establish a post-election audit commission and unleash the full array of cuts to an unsuspecting public?
In his budget reply, Tony Abbott confirmed he would go down the same path as the Newman government's audit commission that is chaired by former federal treasurer Peter Costello. It is a device to declare all bets are off, justifying the repudiation of any and all pre-election promises.
As foreshadowed by the Prime Minister at her Press Club speech in January, this week's budget sets out the structural savings decisions needed to ensure long-term fiscal sustainability while making room for major new investments in schools and disability services.
These savings decisions include paring back middle-class welfare, an efficiency dividend for universities and reductions in compensation for carbon pricing now the Australian emissions trading scheme is to be linked to the European scheme.
None of these decisions is popular but they are necessary in the face of an unusually high dollar and associated squeeze on company profits.
To dispel the myth Labor is a big-spending government, average growth in spending under Labor - which includes necessary stimulus spending during the global financial crisis - is almost identical to that of the previous Coalition government.
Over several budgets the Labor government has unwound the middle-class welfare extended during the first mining boom by the previous government. The real income levels at which family payments are phased out have been reduced, the private health insurance rebate has been means-tested and the Baby Bonus abolished and replaced with a more modest means-tested payment.
The Coalition is complaining the budget was not brought into surplus this year. There was, in fact, a straightforward way of delivering a surplus in 2012-13: apply the same tax burden as the previous Coalition government did. The budget papers show the present tax burden is 21.5 per cent of GDP, sharply down from the 23.7 per cent in the last year of the previous government.
If the Gillard government were to impose the Coalition's tax burden on Australian businesses and households, revenue this year would be more than $32 billion greater and the budget would be in surplus by more than $12bn.
The Abbott-led opposition has voted against most of Labor's attempts to rein in middle-class welfare. This should not be surprising, since Abbott continues to condemn Labor's reductions in middle-class welfare as "attacking the middle class", describing the private health insurance rebate and family payments as "tax justice".
But the mother of all middle-class welfare policies is Abbott's paid parental leave scheme. Compared with Labor's affordable scheme, Abbott's gold-plated policy is targeted directly at higher income earners.
It would be funded by a 1.5 percentage point increase in company tax for the 3200 businesses with incomes greater than $5 million. Many of those businesses already have their own paid parental leave schemes. They would neither want nor be able to scrap them, since they have been negotiated with employees through enterprise-bargaining rounds.
Based on costings from the Parliamentary Budget Office, Abbott's paid parental leave scheme would be a $5bn annual slug on business - or $20bn over a full budget period. Some major business groups have been remarkably sanguine about such an impost, having argued for years for a reduction in the company tax rate and now seemingly accepting a $20bn company tax hike.
They know, as Abbott does, that they can pass on most of the company tax rate increase to customers through higher checkout prices, higher interest rates for home buyers, consumers and small businesses, higher fuel prices and higher insurance premiums.
To the extent that the Abbott cost impost could not be passed on, its burden would be felt by shareholders, including superannuation funds, through reduced dividends and capital gains.
Either way, major business organisations such as the Business Council of Australia and the Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry seem relaxed and comfortable about the prospect of a hefty increase in the tax burden on the companies they purport to represent.
Craig Emerson is the Minister for Trade and Competitiveness.