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It has, at times, but Ludlam says that his part in helping traditional owners at Muckaty Station in the Northern Territory stop the establishment of a nuclear waste dump on their land in 2014 made him think that alone was “worth it”. He is now the party’s spokesperson on nuclear issues, communications, the digital economy, sustainable cities and foreign affairs.
Ludlam is extremely private. He tells me that “one of the last healthy things left in Australian political culture” is the “residual firewall” between private and public that has become porous in comparable countries. “I made a decision early on to try not to cultivate any kind of celebrity status, because I’m keenly aware of what the marketing model is for that stuff: it’s that they sell magazines putting you up there, and then they sell magazines ripping you back down again.” You’re less likely to be “pulled into that vortex if you don’t engage with it in the first place”.
I try to pull him into that vortex, unsuccessfully. He was married at 27 for a year but tells me he’s not currently in a relationship. He is close to his parents, and his brother and nephew.
How, I wonder, is the commitment to not cultivating celebrity status consistent with his burgeoning cult of cyber-personality? Surely there’s a risk of becoming a caricature?
“There is a tension between not wanting to be beige, wanting to be a human being, and wanting to be a bit real in the role. And yeah, engaging in that kind of [online] stuff, which can be seen as a bit cheap … I like to think that I’m not projecting some kind of persona. I still feel like I’m me.”
He hasn’t always been him. Ludlam tells me he was discreet during his first term in the Senate, acutely aware that if he said something stupid, “Bob [Brown] and others are going to have to clean it up.” Ben Oquist, executive director of the Australia Institute, and a former chief of staff to Bob Brown and Christine Milne, tells me a colleague used to call Ludlam “bushel” – as in he’s hiding his light under one. Before he was elected, Christine Milne asked Vallentine, “Does this guy ever say anything?”
That “bushel” moniker must feel like ancient history, especially considering Ludlam’s 2014 adjournment speech. Did he expect the reaction it received? “Absolutely not. I learned a lot, in the process of that: people coming up afterwards and saying, ‘That was an absolute masterstroke, getting a million people to watch your thing on the eve of the by-election.’ Like, ‘Well done, good strategic move.’ I was like, ‘No, it wasn’t. It was a complete accident.’”
I’ll take his word for it, but Ludlam’s is an office that takes social media seriously. David Paris, Ludlam’s communications adviser and a close friend, provides an insight: “With the Greg Hunt video, we could have done a snarky press release and watched it disappear, but instead we decided to do something fun.” Paris wrote the script, some Australian flags were found, and it was let fly.
Given 10 million Australians log into Facebook daily (just under half that read the Sydney Morning Herald across all formats each month), Paris says, “If you’re not treating Facebook seriously you’re not doing your comms properly.”
Ludlam believes the influence of the traditional print media is overstated by both itself and many politicians. Last year, he points out, Brisbane’s Courier Mail urged readers to re-elect Campbell Newman. They elected Annastacia Palaszczuk. The year before, Melbourne’s Herald Sun told readers to vote for Denis Napthine. They elected Daniel Andrews.
Although he acknowledges its role, Ludlam says social media will never replace doorknocking constituents because “it’s not an unmediated conversation”. Facebook, he says, “could switch off my page tomorrow and I would have absolutely no smacking recourse at all”.
And yet, Ludlam says with an impish grin, he loves that it is “many to many”, and you can hurl something into cyberspace and see what comes back at you. “Your ideas will either sink or swim … This is going to sound like mid-2000s management speak, but the boundary between the producer and the audience is dissolving very rapidly.”
He cites his World’s Greatest Shave announcement: within hours, some creep on Twitter had photoshopped a photo of Ludlam, Peter Garrett bald, the fresh cut revealing a tattoo on his skull.
“I love that s hit.”
Lately, Ludlam has become most vocal in his advocacy for digital rights: opposing mandatory data retention and the broadening of what the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) can access under a warrant. He has hosted “cryptoparties” to help the general public gain a basic competence in encryption to protect their online privacy.
Ludlam is frustrated, not just because he believes civil liberties are being eroded under the pretences of national security but also because those prosecuting the legislation often didn’t understand it (he cites George Brandis’ public stumble over what constitutes metadata as a particularly egregious example); in his ‘Welcome to WA’ speech, Ludlam had thanked Abbott for sending him the “geeks and coders, network engineers and gamers who would never have voted Green in a million years, without the blundering and technologically illiterate assistance of your leadership team”.
“I think that’s pretty accurate,” says Jon Lawrence, the executive officer of digital-rights advocacy group Electronic Frontiers Australia. “We are carefully non-partisan, but let’s just say we go
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