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Russia will not invade Ukraine (Read 20226 times)
Postmodern Trendoid III
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Re: Russia will not invade Ukraine
Reply #75 - Feb 22nd, 2022 at 10:26pm
 
Release The Germans.
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Re: Russia will not invade Ukraine
Reply #76 - Feb 23rd, 2022 at 11:55am
 
...
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The 2025 election could be a shocker.
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Re: Russia will not invade Ukraine
Reply #77 - Feb 23rd, 2022 at 12:04pm
 
MeisterEckhart wrote on Feb 18th, 2022 at 11:52am:
Putin is:

A Posturing to warn Sweden, Finland and Ukraine
B Planning to commit minor incursions into Ukraine and ultimately withdraw
C Planning a partial invasion and possible annexation of eastern Ukraine
D Planning a full invasion of Ukraine

Putin: 'Please to lock in B, Eddie Evrywareavich'.

Putin: 'Or maybe C'...

Putin: 'Thinking, could be D'.

Putin: "OK, Eddie Evrywareavich... Here is new rule of game. I start with 'A', then go to 'B' with Russian characteristics - 'B' and half - I recognise independence of east Ukraine, then go in as peacekeeper. I check see if good enough. If no, I move to 'C'."
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Frank
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Re: Russia will not invade Ukraine
Reply #78 - Feb 23rd, 2022 at 12:06pm
 
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Mattyfisk
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Re: Russia will not invade Ukraine
Reply #79 - Feb 23rd, 2022 at 12:47pm
 
Frank wrote on Feb 22nd, 2022 at 6:47pm:
Perhaps this military crisis might awaken the people of Western countries, so recently discombobulated by a virus and so unaccustomed to sacrifice, to how readily a freedom that’s not cherished and defended can be lost. As history shows, the best way to make potential aggressors think again is to have a contingent of allied soldiers in place so that an attack on a relatively weaker country means engaging the forces of relatively stronger ones. At the very least NATO should be ready substantially to reinforce its frontline states and to supply the Ukrainians with whatever they need to fight on. The point of this would not be to threaten Russia or China with offensive weapons; just to remind bullies of the natural solidarity that should exist between countries striving to be free.

We have to make the war that’s unthinkable to us, for moral reasons, unthinkable to them for prudential reasons. We who shrink from war because it’s morally wrong have to make others shrink from war because they’d likely lose. Of course, our instinctive initial reaction is to avoid “quarrels in faraway countries between people of whom we know nothing”. Yet what other countries’ freedom might be dispensable, if theirs is? And who would we fight alongside if not them? And if others’ fights aren’t ours, who might help us when our turn comes?

Even now I’m not sure how widely it’s grasped what’s at stake in this confrontation between democracy and autocracy, between sovereignty and subservience, and how the whole trajectory of history could change. If Russia seizes Ukraine, a new iron curtain will ring down in Europe. If China exploits the confusion to seize Taiwan, the world order would shift against the democracies as Indo-Pacific countries made the best deal they could with the red superpower or armed themselves to the teeth against it.

Meanwhile, comrades Putin and Xi watch the scuttle from Kabul, because a long-term military presence was judged to be too hard; the toppling of statues, because yesterday’s heroes have to be damned by today’s standards; and our self-flagellation over race and identity, even though there’s never been less racism, and minorities have never had a fairer go – and conclude a decadent West is unlikely to defend itself with vigour, let alone stand up for others.

They see America in retreat and no other country or collection of countries with strength and goodwill sufficient to be the guardian of peace with freedom. For all of us as individuals and for each of our countries, the challenge is to prove them wrong.

Tony Abbott was the 28th Australian prime minister. This is an edited extract of his speech on Monday to the Danube Institute in Budapest.
https://danubeinstitute.hu/


Agreed, dear boy. I'm with Mr Abbott on Russia, but not so much Taiwan. I think we'll eventually need to grant the Chows their territory.

But not Putin. I say we stand and fight. Render unto the Chows that which is the Chow's, but grant Putin nothing. Cesterete him.

You?
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Mattyfisk
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Re: Russia will not invade Ukraine
Reply #80 - Feb 23rd, 2022 at 12:54pm
 
Postmodern Trendoid III wrote on Feb 22nd, 2022 at 10:26pm:
Release The Germans.


Release the Kurds. It may come as some surprise, Mistie, but before the fall of Kabul, your Dear Leader was caving all over the globe. The Turks, the Saudis, Kim, Putin, no one was left with any illusions as to where he stood.

Maybe it will, maybe it won't. I don't see why it would be Russia. We'll have to wait and see what happens.

It's now left to Sleepy Joe to do what Dear Leader couldnt bring himself to do: shirt-front Putin.

You bet I am, you bet I will.

Russia, if you're listening...
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Mattyfisk
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Re: Russia will not invade Ukraine
Reply #81 - Feb 23rd, 2022 at 12:59pm
 
athos wrote on Feb 17th, 2022 at 10:56am:
Europe is under the occupation of the Anglo-Brotherhood. More than 70,000 American soldiers are stationed in Europe and 40,000 in Germany.
China only hopes that Europe will regain its freedom.


Europe has been at peace now for longer than any period in European history. There is now only one threat to that peace.

You know who.
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Frank
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Re: Russia will not invade Ukraine
Reply #82 - Feb 23rd, 2022 at 1:27pm
 
Back in 2000, Putin repeatedly petitioned for Russia to be admitted to Nato, according to private conversations he had with the former head of the alliance and ex-Labour minister George Robertson, and again in interviews with the American filmmaker Oliver Stone. Putin was told that his country should ‘apply’ to join — there’s that contempt again — and he replied with the deliciously Putinesque response: ‘Well, we’re not standing in line with a lot of countries that don’t matter.’

He was not the first Russian leader to have made such overtures. Boris Yeltsin proposed Russian membership in 1991 and the year before Mikhail Gorbachev had ventured the possibility to the then US Secretary of State, James Baker, only to be told that it was merely a ‘dream’. Rather than grasp an opportunity which 30 years later would be to our enormous advantage in dealing with China and radical Islam, the suggestion was dismissed out of hand.

Instead, western countries sent to Moscow scores of free-market ‘consultants’ to oversee the privatisation and massed asset stripping of the formerly state-controlled Soviet industries which led directly to two catastrophic depressions, enormous unemployment and the creation of a semi-criminal or simply criminal oligarchic elite. No wonder that by the end of the 1990s the notion of ‘western democracy’ was viewed by the general population with scorn verging on loathing: a superpower reduced to impotence and penury. It is not difficult to see how the appetite for Vladimir Putin was fostered.

Remarkably, even the Soviet Union, during the most fraught early moments of the Cold War, had asked to be allowed to join Nato. A year after the death of Stalin and a few months after the sidelining of Malenkov, the USSR’s minister for foreign affairs, Vyacheslav Molotov, proposed that his country join an alliance for the collective security of Europe on the grounds that it would be of ‘cardinal importance for the promotion of universal peace’. Molotov’s biographer, Geoffrey Roberts, observed: ‘In May 1954 the western powers rejected the Soviet proposal to join Nato on grounds that the USSR’s membership of the organisation would be incompatible with its democratic and defensive aims. However, Moscow’s extensive and intensive campaign for European collective security continued until the Geneva Foreign Ministers Conference of October-November 1955.’ There was quite possibly geopolitical mischief in Molotov’s design, but the proposal was nonetheless meant in earnest and had the full backing of the premier, Nikita Khrushchev.

So at least four Russian leaders have implored the West to let them into this gilded club and each time they were contemptuously brushed off. But then this has been the history of Russia’s relations with the West. At various times throughout the past 800 years Russia has attempted to ingratiate itself with the West, most notably of course during the reign of Peter the Great, who even forced courtiers to shave off their Russian beards, wear European-style clothing and speak French in the hope that this might impress upon visiting westerners how civilised they were. But on every occasion the Russians have tried this cosying up they have been met with either pronounced sniggering or malevolent opportunism from the rest of Europe.

What usually follows is a period of revanchism, in which subsequent leaders retreat into the comparative comfort of Russia’s roots in Asia, its Slavicness, its difference to the West, out of dismay or pique. St Petersburg itself was renamed Petrograd in 1914 because the old name sounded too western and had the whiff of Germany about it. Vladimir Putin comes from the city and however autocratic and authoritarian his regime, he is — or was — someone who looked to the West: hence that tentative approach to joining Nato. What seems to be happening now is simply what has happened so many times before: Putin has given up the occidental ghost. He is looking east, to China, to ever greater autocracy and a cultural programme which once again sets Russia ideologically at odds with western Europe. We have had many chances to neutralise Russia’s potential threat. They have all been passed up.
Rod Liddle
https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/we-blew-our-chance-to-befriend-putin
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Dnarever
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Re: Russia will not invade Ukraine
Reply #83 - Feb 23rd, 2022 at 2:13pm
 
Quote:
Russia will not invade Ukraine


Jar Jar - Every time you don't obfuscate what you are saying you end up being obviously wrong.

You keep forgetting when on a few rare occasions you type a few words in plain English, it seems to always end in disaster for you.
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Mattyfisk
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Re: Russia will not invade Ukraine
Reply #84 - Feb 23rd, 2022 at 3:37pm
 
Frank wrote on Feb 23rd, 2022 at 1:27pm:
Back in 2000, Putin repeatedly petitioned for Russia to be admitted to Nato, according to private conversations he had with the former head of the alliance and ex-Labour minister George Robertson, and again in interviews with the American filmmaker Oliver Stone. Putin was told that his country should ‘apply’ to join — there’s that contempt again — and he replied with the deliciously Putinesque response: ‘Well, we’re not standing in line with a lot of countries that don’t matter.’

He was not the first Russian leader to have made such overtures. Boris Yeltsin proposed Russian membership in 1991 and the year before Mikhail Gorbachev had ventured the possibility to the then US Secretary of State, James Baker, only to be told that it was merely a ‘dream’. Rather than grasp an opportunity which 30 years later would be to our enormous advantage in dealing with China and radical Islam, the suggestion was dismissed out of hand.

Instead, western countries sent to Moscow scores of free-market ‘consultants’ to oversee the privatisation and massed asset stripping of the formerly state-controlled Soviet industries which led directly to two catastrophic depressions, enormous unemployment and the creation of a semi-criminal or simply criminal oligarchic elite. No wonder that by the end of the 1990s the notion of ‘western democracy’ was viewed by the general population with scorn verging on loathing: a superpower reduced to impotence and penury. It is not difficult to see how the appetite for Vladimir Putin was fostered.

Remarkably, even the Soviet Union, during the most fraught early moments of the Cold War, had asked to be allowed to join Nato. A year after the death of Stalin and a few months after the sidelining of Malenkov, the USSR’s minister for foreign affairs, Vyacheslav Molotov, proposed that his country join an alliance for the collective security of Europe on the grounds that it would be of ‘cardinal importance for the promotion of universal peace’. Molotov’s biographer, Geoffrey Roberts, observed: ‘In May 1954 the western powers rejected the Soviet proposal to join Nato on grounds that the USSR’s membership of the organisation would be incompatible with its democratic and defensive aims. However, Moscow’s extensive and intensive campaign for European collective security continued until the Geneva Foreign Ministers Conference of October-November 1955.’ There was quite possibly geopolitical mischief in Molotov’s design, but the proposal was nonetheless meant in earnest and had the full backing of the premier, Nikita Khrushchev.

So at least four Russian leaders have implored the West to let them into this gilded club and each time they were contemptuously brushed off. But then this has been the history of Russia’s relations with the West. At various times throughout the past 800 years Russia has attempted to ingratiate itself with the West, most notably of course during the reign of Peter the Great, who even forced courtiers to shave off their Russian beards, wear European-style clothing and speak French in the hope that this might impress upon visiting westerners how civilised they were. But on every occasion the Russians have tried this cosying up they have been met with either pronounced sniggering or malevolent opportunism from the rest of Europe.

What usually follows is a period of revanchism, in which subsequent leaders retreat into the comparative comfort of Russia’s roots in Asia, its Slavicness, its difference to the West, out of dismay or pique. St Petersburg itself was renamed Petrograd in 1914 because the old name sounded too western and had the whiff of Germany about it. Vladimir Putin comes from the city and however autocratic and authoritarian his regime, he is — or was — someone who looked to the West: hence that tentative approach to joining Nato. What seems to be happening now is simply what has happened so many times before: Putin has given up the occidental ghost. He is looking east, to China, to ever greater autocracy and a cultural programme which once again sets Russia ideologically at odds with western Europe. We have had many chances to neutralise Russia’s potential threat. They have all been passed up.
Rod Liddle
https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/we-blew-our-chance-to-befriend-putin


Oh, I see. And you take Putin's word for that, do you?

Putin tried to join NATO? After he's spent the past decade launching cyber and military attacks against any Eastern European country who even talks to NATO?

Come come. Dear Leader might believe it. You?
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Mattyfisk
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Re: Russia will not invade Ukraine
Reply #85 - Feb 23rd, 2022 at 3:39pm
 
Dnarever wrote on Feb 23rd, 2022 at 2:13pm:
Quote:
Russia will not invade Ukraine


Jar Jar - Every time you don't obfuscate what you are saying you end up being obviously wrong.

You keep forgetting when on a few rare occasions you type a few words in plain English, it seems to always end in disaster for you.


It's not an invasion, dear, it's a peace-keeping mission. Putin is just defending all those Ukrainian white Russians.

I blame Islam, but that's just me.

You?
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Frank
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Re: Russia will not invade Ukraine
Reply #86 - Feb 23rd, 2022 at 4:51pm
 
Mattyfisk wrote on Feb 23rd, 2022 at 3:37pm:
Frank wrote on Feb 23rd, 2022 at 1:27pm:
Back in 2000, Putin repeatedly petitioned for Russia to be admitted to Nato, according to private conversations he had with the former head of the alliance and ex-Labour minister George Robertson, and again in interviews with the American filmmaker Oliver Stone. Putin was told that his country should ‘apply’ to join — there’s that contempt again — and he replied with the deliciously Putinesque response: ‘Well, we’re not standing in line with a lot of countries that don’t matter.’

He was not the first Russian leader to have made such overtures. Boris Yeltsin proposed Russian membership in 1991 and the year before Mikhail Gorbachev had ventured the possibility to the then US Secretary of State, James Baker, only to be told that it was merely a ‘dream’. Rather than grasp an opportunity which 30 years later would be to our enormous advantage in dealing with China and radical Islam, the suggestion was dismissed out of hand.

Instead, western countries sent to Moscow scores of free-market ‘consultants’ to oversee the privatisation and massed asset stripping of the formerly state-controlled Soviet industries which led directly to two catastrophic depressions, enormous unemployment and the creation of a semi-criminal or simply criminal oligarchic elite. No wonder that by the end of the 1990s the notion of ‘western democracy’ was viewed by the general population with scorn verging on loathing: a superpower reduced to impotence and penury. It is not difficult to see how the appetite for Vladimir Putin was fostered.

Remarkably, even the Soviet Union, during the most fraught early moments of the Cold War, had asked to be allowed to join Nato. A year after the death of Stalin and a few months after the sidelining of Malenkov, the USSR’s minister for foreign affairs, Vyacheslav Molotov, proposed that his country join an alliance for the collective security of Europe on the grounds that it would be of ‘cardinal importance for the promotion of universal peace’. Molotov’s biographer, Geoffrey Roberts, observed: ‘In May 1954 the western powers rejected the Soviet proposal to join Nato on grounds that the USSR’s membership of the organisation would be incompatible with its democratic and defensive aims. However, Moscow’s extensive and intensive campaign for European collective security continued until the Geneva Foreign Ministers Conference of October-November 1955.’ There was quite possibly geopolitical mischief in Molotov’s design, but the proposal was nonetheless meant in earnest and had the full backing of the premier, Nikita Khrushchev.

So at least four Russian leaders have implored the West to let them into this gilded club and each time they were contemptuously brushed off. But then this has been the history of Russia’s relations with the West. At various times throughout the past 800 years Russia has attempted to ingratiate itself with the West, most notably of course during the reign of Peter the Great, who even forced courtiers to shave off their Russian beards, wear European-style clothing and speak French in the hope that this might impress upon visiting westerners how civilised they were. But on every occasion the Russians have tried this cosying up they have been met with either pronounced sniggering or malevolent opportunism from the rest of Europe.

What usually follows is a period of revanchism, in which subsequent leaders retreat into the comparative comfort of Russia’s roots in Asia, its Slavicness, its difference to the West, out of dismay or pique. St Petersburg itself was renamed Petrograd in 1914 because the old name sounded too western and had the whiff of Germany about it. Vladimir Putin comes from the city and however autocratic and authoritarian his regime, he is — or was — someone who looked to the West: hence that tentative approach to joining Nato. What seems to be happening now is simply what has happened so many times before: Putin has given
https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/we-blew-our-chance-to-befriend-putin


Oh, I see. And you take Putin's word for that, do you?

Putin tried to join NATO? After he's spent the past decade launching cyber and military attacks against any Eastern European country who even talks to NATO?

Come come. Dear Leader might believe it. You?


That's  enough grimacing and wanky-wanky, paki.

Vladimir Putin wanted Russia to join Nato but did not want his country to have to go through the usual application process and stand in line “with a lot of countries that don’t matter”, according to a former secretary general of the transatlantic alliance.

George Robertson, a former Labour defence secretary who led Nato between 1999 and 2003, said Putin made it clear at their first meeting that he wanted Russia to be part of western Europe. “They wanted to be part of that secure, stable prosperous west that Russia was out of at the time,” he said.

The Labour peer recalled an early meeting with Putin, who became Russian president in 2000. “Putin said: ‘When are you going to invite us to join Nato?’ And [Robertson] said: ‘Well, we don’t invite people to join Nato, they apply to join Nato.’ And he said: ‘Well, we’re not standing in line with a lot of countries that don’t matter.’”
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/nov/04/ex-nato-head-says-putin-wanted-to-join-alliance-early-on-in-his-rule


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Bobby.
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Re: Russia will not invade Ukraine
Reply #87 - Feb 23rd, 2022 at 4:55pm
 
This is strange - what invasion?
Some sites say that Russia has invaded and some say they haven't.


https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-60480734

There has as yet been no evidence of Russian troops crossing the border
into the rebel-held areas of east Ukraine
,

despite Mr Putin's order to conduct what he calls peacekeeping functions.

Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Rudenko told the AFP news agency that Russia was not sending troops in "for now".

"No one is planning to send anything anywhere. If there is a threat, then we will provide assistance in accordance with the ratified treaties," he said.


...
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Mattyfisk
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Re: Russia will not invade Ukraine
Reply #88 - Feb 23rd, 2022 at 5:09pm
 
Oh, old boy, so you do believe it. Who's a silly boy then?

To join NATO, Russia would need to make commitments. One of those commitments is not to make trouble with your fellow members.

OF COURSE Putin would not agree to that. His plan is to gain back control of the former USSR, and that means control of NATO members such as Poland, Romania, Latvia and Estonia. 

All those countries who "don't matter".

Putin wants to be in with Europe, he doesn't want to be in Europe. Putin wants control of the Eastern Empire, as it were. But Rome wasn't built in a day, no?

Do you know? I fell for the Oliver Stone narrative once too, dear. We've all done it. Poor old Russia, left at the alter, neglected, forgotten, so unfair.

That might have been true in the 1990s, but not now, not after 20 years of Putin. Today, it's a new day, now we know.

Putin isn't fooling anyone now. Except you.
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Re: Russia will not invade Ukraine
Reply #89 - Feb 23rd, 2022 at 5:09pm
 
Frank wrote on Feb 23rd, 2022 at 1:27pm:
Back in 2000, Putin repeatedly petitioned for Russia to be admitted to Nato, according to private conversations he had with the former head of the alliance and ex-Labour minister George Robertson, and again in interviews with the American filmmaker Oliver Stone. Putin was told that his country should ‘apply’ to join — there’s that contempt again — and he replied with the deliciously Putinesque response: ‘Well, we’re not standing in line with a lot of countries that don’t matter.’

He was not the first Russian leader to have made such overtures. Boris Yeltsin proposed Russian membership in 1991 and the year before Mikhail Gorbachev had ventured the possibility to the then US Secretary of State, James Baker, only to be told that it was merely a ‘dream’. Rather than grasp an opportunity which 30 years later would be to our enormous advantage in dealing with China and radical Islam, the suggestion was dismissed out of hand.

Instead, western countries sent to Moscow scores of free-market ‘consultants’ to oversee the privatisation and massed asset stripping of the formerly state-controlled Soviet industries which led directly to two catastrophic depressions, enormous unemployment and the creation of a semi-criminal or simply criminal oligarchic elite. No wonder that by the end of the 1990s the notion of ‘western democracy’ was viewed by the general population with scorn verging on loathing: a superpower reduced to impotence and penury. It is not difficult to see how the appetite for Vladimir Putin was fostered.

Remarkably, even the Soviet Union, during the most fraught early moments of the Cold War, had asked to be allowed to join Nato. A year after the death of Stalin and a few months after the sidelining of Malenkov, the USSR’s minister for foreign affairs, Vyacheslav Molotov, proposed that his country join an alliance for the collective security of Europe on the grounds that it would be of ‘cardinal importance for the promotion of universal peace’. Molotov’s biographer, Geoffrey Roberts, observed: ‘In May 1954 the western powers rejected the Soviet proposal to join Nato on grounds that the USSR’s membership of the organisation would be incompatible with its democratic and defensive aims. However, Moscow’s extensive and intensive campaign for European collective security continued until the Geneva Foreign Ministers Conference of October-November 1955.’ There was quite possibly geopolitical mischief in Molotov’s design, but the proposal was nonetheless meant in earnest and had the full backing of the premier, Nikita Khrushchev.

So at least four Russian leaders have implored the West to let them into this gilded club and each time they were contemptuously brushed off. But then this has been the history of Russia’s relations with the West. At various times throughout the past 800 years Russia has attempted to ingratiate itself with the West, most notably of course during the reign of Peter the Great, who even forced courtiers to shave off their Russian beards, wear European-style clothing and speak French in the hope that this might impress upon visiting westerners how civilised they were. But on every occasion the Russians have tried this cosying up they have been met with either pronounced sniggering or malevolent opportunism from the rest of Europe.

What usually follows is a period of revanchism, in which subsequent leaders retreat into the comparative comfort of Russia’s roots in Asia, its Slavicness, its difference to the West, out of dismay or pique. St Petersburg itself was renamed Petrograd in 1914 because the old name sounded too western and had the whiff of Germany about it. Vladimir Putin comes from the city and however autocratic and authoritarian his regime, he is — or was — someone who looked to the West: hence that tentative approach to joining Nato. What seems to be happening now is simply what has happened so many times before: Putin has given up the occidental ghost. He is looking east, to China, to ever greater autocracy and a cultural programme which once again sets Russia ideologically at odds with western Europe. We have had many chances to neutralise Russia’s potential threat. They have all been passed up.
Rod Liddle
https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/we-blew-our-chance-to-befriend-putin


Yes, if people spend 5 minutes to consider Russias point of view, they would be showing  some consideration.

Like Putin or not, you really should listen to him.
He is one of the World Leaders and has been for decades
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