Frank
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And to make things worse, the very fact of dividing the population on the basis of race in the Constitution, the nation’s foundational document, will endorse the notion that there are essential, immutable differences between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians, with the conflicts separate representation invariably generates giving that inherently abhorrent, artificially cemented, colour line even starker salience.
It is therefore no accident that the National Aboriginal Conference degenerated into an unending confrontation with the Fraser government and then that of Bob Hawke, placing the demand for a treaty that would recognise the undivided sovereignty of an “Indigenous nation” above the practical issues that desperately needed to be addressed.
Nor is it an accident that a careful study of Sweden’s Sami parliament concludes that it has served to “intensify the Sami-state conflict”, with Sami politicians casting “government policy and thus, ultimately, the Swedish state” as their “main adversary”– and the deterioration in the relations between the Sami and the state has been even greater in otherwise consensual Finland.
John Howard was consequently prescient in 1989 when he warned – in comments widely derided as racist – that far from advancing reconciliation, ATSIC would prove “a monumental disservice to the Australian community” which would “strike at the heart of the unity of the Australian people”. But ATSIC – whose main novelty lay in adding cronyism and incompetence to its predecessors’ intransigence – could be abolished (with bipartisan support) because it was created by legislation; the voice, once it is entrenched in the Constitution, will be there for generations to come.
That would not be a pity; it would be a tragedy. The reality is that the vast majority of Australians share the positive vision Paul Hasluck, Robert Menzies’ long-serving minister for territories, forcefully set out in 1961. Indigenous Australians, he told the state premiers, deserve to be “members of a single Australian community enjoying the same rights, privileges and obligations as other Australians”, with any special measures being “temporary measures” that would “assist them to make the transition”.
Never was that emphasis on equal, rather than special, rights clearer than in the 1967 referendum. ... We are once again being told that constitutionalising inequality will promote equality and that enshrining separateness will reinforce national unity.
It is surely time that illusion, which has trapped so many Indigenous communities in chronic disadvantage, endemic violence and spiralling rates of incarceration, was abandoned once and for all. Henry Ergas
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